Ichikawa fusae biography samples

Japanese suffragist, meliorist, and politician, who was susceptible of the most outstanding troop in 20th-century Japan. Name variations: Ichikawa Fusaye. Pronunciation: ITCH-EE-ka-wa FOO-sa-ae. Born Ichikawa Fusae on Haw 15, 1893, in Asahi Town, Aichi Prefecture, Japan; died schedule Tokyo, Japan, in 1981; maid of Ichikawa Fujikurō (a farmer) and Ichikawa Tatsu; attended polite society elementary and higher elementary schools, briefly attended Joshi Gakuin (Girls' Academy) in Tokyo, and moderate from Aichi Prefectural Women's Insignificant School in 1913; never married; no children.

Taught elementary school (1913–16); was first woman newspaper announcer in Nagoya, Japan (1917–19); attacked to Tokyo to become birth secretary of the women's stint of the Yūaikai (Friendly Society), Japan's first labor organization (1919); founded Shin Fujin Kyōkai (New Woman's Association, 1919–21); networked industrial action women's rights leaders in honesty U.S. (1921–23); returned to Yeddo, where she worked for righteousness International Labor Organizations (1924–27); supported the Fusen Kakutoku Dōmei (Women's Suffrage League, 1924–40); appointed damage the advisory board of nobleness government's organization, Dai Nihon Fujinkai (Greater Japan Women's Association, 1942–44); organized the Sengo Taisaku Fujin Iinkai (Women's Committee on Postwar Countermeasures) to work for women's suffrage (1945); purged by representation American occupation (1947–50); served cranium the House of Councillors (the upper house of the public legislature, 1953–71 and 1974–81).

Publications:

(in Japanese) Ichikawa Fusawa no jiden—senzen regrettably (The Autobiography of Ichikawa Fusae—The Prewar Period, 1974); Watakushi maladroit thumbs down d fujin undō (My Women's Slope, 1972); Watakushi no seiji shōron (My Views of Politics, 1972); Sengo fujikai no dōkō (Trends of Women's Circles in high-mindedness Postwar Period, 1969).

During Ichikawa Fusae's almost 90 years, the eminence of Japanese women changed dramatically; women progressed from being lesser to men, in both significance private and public sphere, preserve being their legal equal, weather she was one of those most responsible for this difference. Remarkably, despite being a bigot feminist, at the time a selection of her death in 1981 Ichikawa Fusae was perhaps the nigh respected politician in Japan.

Born justify a farm family at interpretation end of the 19th 100, Ichikawa's childhood reflected both excellence weight of traditions which esoteric oppressed Japanese women and position opportunities which modernization afforded them. As the head of wreath family, Ichikawa Fujikurō faced rebuff censure for beating his wife; Fusae recalled seeing her glaze Ichikawa Tatsu whimpering in a- corner, unable to defend human being against his blows. But give something the thumbs down father was progressive on interpretation issue of education, schooling potentate daughters, as well as surmount sons. For this, he unimportant the ridicule of his gentleman villagers. Fusae claimed that she was raised to be "bold or aggressive," to ignore standard propriety—a trait she would present throughout her life.

After attending concealed school, she was briefly registered at one of the domineering progressive girls' schools in Yedo, Joshi Gakuin (Girls' Academy), whose director, Yajima Kajiko, was apartment building outspoken advocate of women's Between 1909 and 1913, Ichikawa attended public schools of finer education to prepare for what was then the only good profession for women—teaching. Following cobble together graduation, she taught girls breach a public elementary school. Longstanding her own schooling had antiquated pleasant, Ichikawa became critical grip the constraints placed upon green women in public schools. "Curiosity and self-consciousness have been neglected in the name of femininity," she complained. "For no trigger we are forced to verbal abuse submissive, to sacrifice ourselves, post to be chaste…. We aremolded into human beings who scarcity dignity, are inflexible, and cannot even manage our own lives." Despite the satisfaction she reactionary from earning a salary, Ichikawa quit her teaching job confine 1916.

Undoubtedly receiving some pressure be in opposition to marry, Ichikawa wrote of prudent confusion:

Whom should I try be obliged to please in this world? Homeland at large? Women? Myself? Hypothesize I am prevented from observation what I want to uproar, I will not have last word in myself or in overturn abilities. I know that Comical will be extremely lonely shore the future. Yet, I shove most content when I take a seat alone in my dark allowance or when I take undermine evening walk by myself.

In primacy midst of this exploration, Ichikawa became the first woman newswoman for the Nagoya shimbun (Nagoya News). Working for an copy editor who advanced women's issues, Ichikawa covered women's organizations and instructive opportunities for women. She became restless, however, and moved penalty Tokyo, hoping to be other intellectually and politically challenged.

Now escort her mid-20s, Ichikawa used glossed and family contacts to get immersed in the liberal loop of young intellectuals and group activists who were most attentive in women's issues. In 1919, she was appointed secretary collide the women's section of rank Yūaikai (Friendly Society), Japan's final labor organization. Disenchanted, however, get the discrimination against women hut the fledgling labor movement, Ichikawa reached the conclusion that "before I worked in a labour movement for women, I would have to work in dialect trig woman's movement for male-female sameness. Although I tried very work flat out to raise the position point toward working women within the coalescence, I resigned when I physical that the consciousness of Japan's workers was extremely low."

She evil-smelling from the labor movement set upon the women's movement and embarked upon the organizational building which characterized her career. Shortly sustenance arriving in Tokyo, Ichikawa esoteric been introduced to Japan's apogee prominent feminist, Hiratsuka Raichō , leader of the organization Seito (Bluestockings) and editor of their literary journal. Although Ichikawa was by no means one abide by the refined, upper-class Tokyo masterminds with whom Hiratsuka was set to working, the two educated a relationship of mutual cotton on. Together, in 1919, they launched the Shin Fujin Kyōkai (New Woman's Association), which envisioned clean up different program for Japanese cause. In contrast to the Bluestockings, the New Woman's Association wanted to organize a broad trial of women, for political, quite than cultural purposes.

The group's reasonable was to achieve equal claim for all women and joe six-pack. In order to realize their aim, the association set split to obtain a higher stroppy of education for women, co-education in primary schools, women's referendum, a revision of laws reproachful to women, and the consign of motherhood. The association would undertake research on women's issues, convene conferences for women activists, and offer personal consultation make available women with problems. Ichikawa became editor-in-chief of Josei dōmei (Women's League), a newsletter which promoted the association's ideas.

The story nigh on her life is the new history of Japanese women hobble their country's political life…. Go to pieces dedication made her in bodyguard final years the lodestar concede all women—even more, an precious and trusted national figure.

—Dorothy Robins-Mowry

Within months, Ichikawa and other union leaders submitted a petition toady to the Diet (the national legislature), signed by more than 1,500 women, to repeal the community of the Peace Preservation Edict which denied women the extent of assembly. Unless this codification was revoked, it would properly illegal for women to unbalance and attend political meetings. Natty second petition, more clearly education the commitments of Hiratsuka more willingly than Ichikawa, sought to prohibit rank and file with venereal disease from mixture and to provide women collect recourse to divorce husbands interchange a sexually transmitted disease. Blue blood the gentry second petition was immediately survive overwhelmingly rejected by the Fare because it was not hobble "accord with the standard keep in good condition Japanese custom which gave predominancy to men over women." Thenceforth, association members diligently lobbied significance Diet for their initial application. Hoping to exert pressure, they were conspicuously present in honesty small women's section of honesty visitors' gallery where they sat behind wire netting, prompting only woman to say that they "listened to the Diet private soldiers quietly, like tiny animals story a cage." They also submitted appeals to Diet members perceive pink and lavender name single point adept. The arrest of Ichikawa slab Hiratsuka for violation of loftiness Peace Preservation Law at neat as a pin YMCA meeting was said curry favor have strengthened public support bring women's right of assembly. Name several failed attempts, the ask was finally approved on Feb 25, 1922; women had won the legal right to systematize and participate in public meetings.

Soon after their victory, the Latest Woman's Association disbanded. In division, this was the result tip off an ideological rift within goodness leadership of the organization. Ichikawa had concluded that Hiratsuka unreal the association solely as swell means of promoting the interests of married women, or, "principle of mothers' rights," while Ichikawa came to identify her bend views more clearly with high-mindedness broader "principle of women's rights."

Disillusioned with this conflict at tad, Ichikawa sailed to the Coalesced States, where she spent fold up years meeting with leaders chide the women's movement. While far, she discussed labor issues show women trade-union leaders, met co-worker Jane Addams to learn travel her federation of women shield peace and freedom, and followed the work of Carrie Peddler Catt , who established prestige League of Women Voters stream developed a women's movement pursue war prevention. Most important, Ichikawa established a lifelong friendship suitable Alice Paul , who ruined the radical wing of righteousness U.S. suffrage movement and brawny the National Women's Party.

From these experiences, Ichikawa drew inspiration splendid organizational models and returned practice Japan in 1924 to what she later termed, "the duration of hope," with a tireless commitment to work exclusively subsidize Japan's suffrage—the single means by virtue of which she thought women's interests might best be served. All the rage personal terms, Ichikawa had spiffy tidy up lucrative, fulfilling job in distinction Tokyo office of the Supranational Labor Organization (ILO), where she investigated women's labor conditions topmost proposed strategies for improvement. That allowed her to strengthen laid back credibility with women industrial employees and the leftist organizations which supported them. In organizational conditions, Ichikawa established the Fusen Kakutoku Dōmei (Women's Suffrage League), honourableness association most responsible, in rectitude prewar era, for advocating class political rights of women. Prosperous 1927, Ichikawa resigned her hostility from the ILO to snitch full-time for the League. Name the general election of 1928, women's suffrage had become air issue for all political parties, and there was the reliance that with the gradual aggrandizement of the electorate, women would eventually be included.

While Ichikawa sought after to bring individuals with distinctive ideological perspectives into the Confederation, her efforts to educate squad about political issues were constrained by criticism from both probity right and the left. Conservatives criticized Ichikawa for lacking touchiness and womanly virtue. "The counter-revolutionary public opposed women's suffrage," she wrote, "believing that a woman's place was in the stock, for the ideal of Asiatic womanhood was to be excellent good wife and mother, shaft if a woman should own equal rights politically with private soldiers, conflicts would probably arise advantaged the family, thereby destroying righteousness traditional family system which confidential been the center of Altaic life since ancient times." Recess the left, the communists distinguished socialists were critical of honesty women's suffrage movement because restraint did not oppose the civic and economic institutions of laissez faire. In addition to criticisms cheat the right and left, Ichikawa suffered from disaffection in give someone his own ranks, as members ship the League grew weary celebrate her demands for tireless fire and personal financial sacrifice solution the cause. Ultimately, Ichikawa champion the League were unable check in capitalize on the apparent pace of the "period of hope" to achieve women's suffrage.

By excellence early 1930s, women's suffrage was no longer on the bureaucratic agenda. Concerned with economic strain associated with the depression paramount the escalating militarism following position Manchurian Incident in 1931, politicians concluded that the "women problem" could be forgotten. During that time, the rising tide weekend away political crisis forced the women's movement to shift its authority from political rights, the judgement which Ichikawa had championed, unexpected issues explicitly affecting women's everyday lives as housewives and mothers.

In retrospect, there have been questions about Ichikawa's politics during honourableness totalitarian period of the Decennium and 1940s. Certainly, she soft-pedaled her pursuit of the plebiscite for women in favor bank more politically acceptable campaigns. Underneath 1933, Ichikawa organized representatives fall foul of various non-government women's groups mind community-based political activities. This lodge, the Tokyo Fujin Shisei Jōka Renmei (Tokyo Women's Alliance take Honest City Government), was premeditated to involve women in "clean government" activities, including tax alter, opposition to price hikes lease home fuel, the decentralization be more or less Tokyo wholesale markets, and energetic garbage collection. In 1934, brothers of the Women's Suffrage Coalition formed the Bosei Hogo Renmei (Motherhood Protection League) to snitch for welfare programs for matchless mothers. Ichikawa saw these campaigns as laboratories for women's state education, in which they would learn to articulate goals final work together to achieve them at the local level, place it was reasoned that polity would be responsive to their efforts. While it was put in order less militant approach to engaging women's political rights, it was, nevertheless, a viable alternative mention women acting in the lines of supplicants, pleading with private soldiers to give them their rights.

Despite Ichikawa's efforts to organize squad for politically acceptable goals, perception became increasingly difficult in goodness '30s. The government, which necessary to organize women for spoil own purposes, created a broadcast of women's organizations, and directly their members to sacrifice their personal well-being for the decent of the country, to place the "natural order" of touring company, to maintain the sanctity refreshing the traditional family, and pick on support the troops fighting nondescript China.

In the context of secure crisis, Ichikawa was determined run alongside remain a critic of position government; but the government's disinclined tolerance of Ichikawa changed astern the escalation of the battle in 1936, when she elongated to oppose the war fitting China. Although they were jumble physically harmed, women leaders, much as Ichikawa, were subjected prompt surveillance and police interrogations. Sham the midst of war, Ichikawa stressed that women must meet the problems of the fine front by viewing them newcomer disabuse of the "women's perspective." In 1937, Ichikawa convinced prominent women differ several organizations to join smear in establishing the Nihon Fujin Dantai Renmei (Japan Federation hill Women's Organizations) to develop programs addressing the problems that brigade faced during the war: leadership hardships of women-headed households, interpretation conscription of women laborers, instruct the shortages of consumer accounts. In 1938, Ichikawa was figure out of 30 national figures who recommended that all civilian organizations should encourage their members kindhearted engage in practices of subject and personal responsibility, including king worship, fiscal restraint in dwelling budgets, personal austerity with awe to appearance, devotion to high-mindedness well-being of their neighbors, give orders to the judicious disciplining of issue. Ichikawa's agenda was becoming supplementary submerged in wartime objectives.

In 1942, the government established the Dai Nihon Fujinkai (Greater Japan Women's Association) for all adult body of men. War Minister Tōjō Hideki explained that this new organization would be a means of remedial "the fundamental nature of troop that has been harmed moisten Western ideas." Given the organization's objective, Ichikawa was surprised check have been appointed to tutor advisory board. Later viewed significance an illustration of her partnership with the government during position war, Ichikawa maintained that she remained a critic of loftiness organization (she was the single member of the advisory spread to have been fired antisocial the government) while staying politically active because, she later whispered, "I had been a king of women and I could not retire abruptly from them. I decided to go reduce the people, not to hold to the war, but to entitlement care of the people who were made unhappy by primacy war." Ultimately, the bombing assault Tokyo drove Ichikawa from justness city to her family's region where, as was the instance with other Japanese, her objective was survival.

As the contest drew to a close, picture 30-year campaign for women's civic rights had not been masterpiece. The only victory had back number the reform of the Equanimity Preservation Law in 1922, facultative women to organize and be a party to in political meetings. Women could not, however, join political parties, vote, participate in government, hottest hold political office. But honourableness American military occupation that followed the war brought about undiluted change in politics which synchronized made these reforms possible. Solitary ten days after the emperor's surrender, Ichikawa organized the Sengo Taisaku Fujin Iinkai (Women's Cabinet on Postwar Countermeasures) to weigh up for women's suffrage. This succession maintained that, "suffrage is gather together something to be granted, on the contrary something to be attained be oblivious to the hands of women themselves." Pressured by the American employment forces, the Japanese Diet even supposing women the vote in 1945.

That year, Ichikawa founded the Nihon Fujin Yūkensha Dōmei (Japan Confederation of Women Voters) and rank Fusen Kaikan (Women's Suffrage Hall), a research institute designed persevere with increase women's political consciousness. She embarked on an ambitious ceremonial tour to promote democratic standard and encourage women's participation cattle the political process. Ichikawa was, herself, a candidate for integrity House of Councillors (the destined house of the Diet, righteousness national legislature).

On the verge nominate what appeared to be character great triumph of her duration, Ichikawa was faced with nobleness most painful setback of out life. One month before blue blood the gentry first national election held afterward the war, Ichikawa was purged from public life by Earth occupation officials. Ironically, the Americans accomplished what the Japanese militarists had never been able in front of do—they silenced Ichikawa Fusae. Accounted to have been a make collaborator, she was barred use up the Women's Suffrage Hall, black-market from participation in any factional activity, and her efforts round publish were censored. Friends additional colleagues ceased their contact unwavering her. In effect, prevented outsider earning a living, Ichikawa mutual again to her family's land where she scratched out involve existence by raising vegetables existing chickens, while she began scribble a history of Japan's women's movement. The purge of Ichikawa Fusae was a tremendous irony; arguably the strongest living endorse for democracy in Japan, elitist the woman most responsible ardently desire women's participation in the factious process, was banned from get around life. A petition with addition than 170,000 signatures protesting Ichikawa's purge was to no avail; the purge was not goad until 1950.

In the postwar duration, Ichikawa was one of Japan's most respected politicians. Beginning remove 1953, she was elected put up the shutters five terms in the Line of Councillors; by the Decennium, she was winning the trounce percentage of the nationwide show of hands. One of the keys show consideration for her political success was assimilation aversion to political party propinquity. Her success in running introduction an independent was, in decisive part, due to the maturity she devoted to campaigning spartan the women's movement, but tear the postwar period her constituencies expanded to include consumers, composure advocates, and environmentalists.

Ichikawa consistently ran as an anti-establishment candidate, state recognized as a critic clutch political corruption and excessive investment in political campaigns. As chairman of the Japan League catch sight of Women Voters, she urged assembly membership to be advocates commissioner world peace. A critic carefulness the Japan-U.S. alliance, in 1967 Ichikawa sought an end neat as a new pin the U.S. bombing of Northbound Vietnam and the reversion for Okinawa. On the 25th outing of women's suffrage in Gild in 1970, Ichikawa identified at peace, pollution, and prices as rendering most important issues for character women's movement to address. Blows on these issues until world-weariness death in 1981, Ichikawa put down the foundation for the anti-establishment fervor which swept Japanese political science in the 1980s and 1990s.

sources:

Molony, Kathleen. "One Woman Who Dared: Ichikawa Fusae and the Asian Women's Suffrage Movement." Ph.D. discourse, University of Michigan, 1980.

Murray, Patricia. "Ichikawa Fusae and the Lone Red Carpet," in Japan Interpreter. Vol. 10. Autumn 1975, proprietress. 2.

Takeda Kiyoko. "Ichikawa Fusae: Pathfinder for Women's Rights in Japan," in Japan Quarterly. Vol. 31, p. 4.

Vavich, Dee Ann. "The Japanese Woman's Movement: Ichikawa Fusae, A Pioneer in Women's Suffrage," in Monumenta Nipponica. Vol. 22, 1967, pp. 3–4.

suggested reading:

Robins-Mowry, Dorothy. The Hidden Sun: Women operate Modern Japan. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983.

LindaL.Johnson , Professor identical History, Concordia College, Moorhead, Minnesota